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Study: Most Africans are now Muslim or Christian

2010-04-19T09:27:00.001-05:00

BY NIRAJ WARIKOO
APRIL 15, 2010

Most Africans are now Muslim or Christian, but many of them retain their traditional religions, according to a major new survey released today.

More than 90% of people who live in sub-Saharan countries in Africa are either Muslim or Christian – a big change from 100 years ago when less than a quarter practiced the two religions. In 1900, most practiced traditional African religions, the report said.

The survey was done on behalf of the Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life in more than 60 languages in 19 African nations, representing about 75% of the total population in sub-Saharan Africa.

In metro Detroit, the African immigrant community is also generally Muslim or Christian. Nigerian-Americans in metro Detroit, for example, are usually either Muslim or Catholic, say local leaders.

The survey showed the sweeping religious changes in Africa over the past 100 years as more increasingly became Christian or Muslim due to the influence of Arabs and Europeans. But many keep their ancient traditions. About 27 percent, for example, maintain traditions related to the revering of ancestors and spirits.

The survey also showed that Africans tend to be highly religious. About 90% say religion is very important in their lives.

The Pew Survey was based on more than 25,000 interviews. It comes at a time of renewed interest in the ancient religions of sub-Saharan Africa.

V.S. Naipaul, winner of the Nobel Prize in Literature, is to have a book published in October entitled "The Masque of Africa: Glimpses of African Belief,” which is about the old religions of Africa that are fading away.

To read the full Pew report, visit http://pewforum.org/docs/?DocID=515

Police reports perpetuate racism

2010-04-19T09:21:00.001-05:00

Racially infused police reports are not worth the marginal safety benefit.

04/11/2010
BY NICHOLAS ORTH

I am writing to support the April 6 letter to the editor “‘East African accent’ is offensive” and to stand in solidarity with the minority communities negatively impacted through the engendering of racist messages by our University of Minnesota police reports. The author explains that “The use of the phrase ‘East African’ is distasteful, offensive, unnecessary and … stereotyping” and “burdens the Somali minority with [its] implications.”

When I categorize the “East African accent” description of racism I do not mean that University police Chief Greg Hestness consciously holds attitudes of superiority or disdain over people of color. I hope and expect that he does not, but that doesn’t mean the unconscious messages he distributes through police reports do not embed damaging assumptions within minds throughout our student body.

This is especially important for those of us with white skin who often fail to realize that assumptions we make on a daily basis and seemingly innocuous institutional practices carried out all around us have a real impact on a society that creates unequal opportunities for people of color, especially the East African immigrant populations residing throughout these cities.

When we white students personally know not a single member of our East African community, which describes many of us, what will be the first thing that comes to mind when walking alone at night and crossing paths with a dark-skinned stranger?

When the only time we learn about these people is through crime descriptions, it may very well be a negative, unjustified and racist assumption, since we don’t know that statistically we are all most likely to fall victim to the crimes of our own racial group.

We may not always be cognizant of this oppressive behavior, but as members of a diverse urban society we have an obligation to attempt an honest, critical reflection upon our subtle motivations, assumptions and actions that, if left without reflection, will continue to marginalize people of color without our awareness.

I understand that the police need information in order to better conduct investigations, but does that make this necessary? When considering the greater social good, should we be more concerned with catching (mostly) petty thieves and throwing them in jail or spreading racism throughout our campus via mass emails? The answer is clearly the latter.

While I can perhaps understand the need for mass awareness of serious violent crimes such as the recent stabbing, which has a white suspect, it is gratuitous to alarm the community and engender fear of a people when little good will come of apprehending these suspects in the first place.

Racially infused police reports engender statistically unjustified, racist assumptions throughout the University community at the negligible benefit of occasionally leading to the temporary incarceration of criminals. They must end.

Nicholas Orth. University undergraduate student

CENSUS’ CARIBBEAN MEDIA ADVERTISING CRITICIZED

2010-04-19T09:16:00.000-05:00

by NICOLE WHITE

Every person and every household counts in the U.S. Census, the federal government’s effort to get an accurate measure of the country’s population.

In addition to getting a true reflection of the nation’s populace, the Census also establishes demographic changes such as growth in neighborhoods and immigration trends.

These figures determine how programs are funded by the federal government, so an accurate count is critical.

This is the issue that worries Maxine Tulloch, president of the Caribbean American Journalists and Media Association (CAJMA), a recently formed non-profit national association with members from radio, TV and print media, as well as marketing and public relations agencies.

Tulloch and others have long maintained that the Caribbean community was largely undercounted in the 2000 census, and there are concerns of a repeat performance in 2010.

Her concerns are based on the lack of Census advertising in Caribbean media outlets, despite claims from the Census Bureau that such ads have been purchased.

Census officials acknowledge the concerns raised by CAJMA and say they are making improvements.

“The money doesn’t seem to have trickled down quite the way we wanted,” said Pam Page-Bellis, regional senior media specialist with the Census Bureau. “We have heard the voices of our partners. There is more advertising dollars coming to these outlets.”

The fallout forced a meeting last week with Census officials and state representatives, including Hazelle Rogers, Perry Thurston and state Sen. Chris Smith.

Tulloch said the meeting was productive, and that she believes Census officials will execute advertising campaigns soon.

“We got some action based on what we did. We’ll sit and wait for another week,’’ she said.

The Census database shows advertising purchases for over 23 local African-American and Caribbean media outlets, including South Florida Caribbean News, Caribbean Today and Jamaicans.com.

But Tulloch says no ads have appeared in any of those outlets.

“They have made promises to the Caribbean media, not actual buys, ’’ Tulloch said. “We were quite perturbed, angry because we always get empty promises.’’

Census advertising has, however, appeared in some media that target the Caribbean community, including the South Florida Times.

An accurate count of the Caribbean community is critical, Tulloch said, because funding from the federal government for social services, lunch programs, family and children services is determined by the Census count.

“If you don’t show that you have the demographics of people, you won’t get that money, so it’s very important that people fill out the Census forms,” she said.

The Caribbean media uproar is not the only fallout facing the Census Bureau this year. It has also faced criticism for including the word “Negro” on Census forms. For many African Americans, the word is a derogatory reminder of the Jim Crow era of segregation, when black people were forced to live in separate neighborhoods, eat in separate restaurants, and learn in separate and unequal schools from whites.

Despite the criticism, the word will remain, Page-Bellis said.

The word was included on forms because some 56,000 people wrote in the word “Negro” on their forms in 2000, she said.

“It told us that it is still a term that is used and some people prefer it,’’ she said. “It is something that we looked at very carefully and used it because we prefer to be as inclusive as we can.’’

She added: “The term is not a throw-back nor was it meant to alienate anyone at all. If you don’t see a word there that describes you, then by all means write it in. We want people to write what they are comfortable with.”

The 10-question Census forms will arrive in mailboxes between March 15 and 17.

Medianikk@Comcast.net

Wade calls for United States of Africa

2010-04-10T10:47:00.001-05:00

2010-04-04 07:10

Dakar - Senegal's President Abdoulaye Wade on Saturday called for the creation of a United States of Africa during the unveiling of a controversial statue which he said marked the moment for the continent to "take off".

"The time has arrived for Africa to take off," he said in a speech at the foot of the bronze statue, built by North Korea and higher than the Statue of Liberty.

Addressing a large crowd and 19 African heads of state, Wade called for "the exploration of new horizons" and the formation of a "United States of Africa" modelled on "large unions" such as the US and European Union.

Faced with new challenges of globalisation "only a political integration of the United States of Africa will shelter us from potentially fatal marginalisation" of the world's poorest continent, which holds the richest economic potential, he added.

After "five centuries of ordeals, slavery, Africa is still there, folding sometimes, but never breaking. She is upright and resolute to take her future in hand", Wade said.

"The slave traders have left, the last colonialist has left. We have no more excuses. We must seize this opportunity so that history does not repeat itself."

Symbol of unity

Despite local resistance against the cost and style of the monument, African leaders seized it as a symbol of unity, praising Wade and urging the continent to throw off the shackles of its past.

Former Nigerian president and African strongman Olusegun Obasanjo who cut a ribbon in the colours of the Senegalese flag, said the statue was "a monument for black people all over the world".

"We have a symbol to remind us, to inspire us" of and against years of slavery and abuse. "A united union of Africa can make it not happen again."

African Union chief and Malawi President Bingu wa Mutharika praised Wade, saying he would go down in history as "a man with vision, a man with courage, a man with great resolve".

He also urged a new African unity: "We have more things that unite us, than those that divide us... Let us return to our countries with a new hope of a new Africa."

United States activist Jesse Jackson, praising the symbolism of the monument said: "I wish so much Martin Luther King could be here tonight."

Long on the table, a United States of Africa has been planned by the African Union by 2025, but doubts have been raised about the ability of the continent to unite amid widespread poverty and conflict.

- AFP

Canada fails to speed up visas for Haitian family members: critics

2010-04-10T10:09:00.000-05:00

Fri Apr 02 2010
Andrew Chung
Quebec Bureau

MONTREAL – While more than a million Haitians remain homeless, many still without protection from the driving rains, Canada has not fulfilled its promise to accelerate the reunification of family members here in the wake of the Jan. 12 earthquake.

In fact, examining numbers provided by Citizenship and Immigration Canada, the government has given virtually the same number of permanent resident visas as last year by this time, and appears to be well under its own immigration targets for Haiti.

The number of permanent resident visas issued between Jan. 13 and Mar. 27 – the latest statistics available – was 311. Last year 302 were issued up to Mar. 19.

The government has also given out 104 temporary resident permits, usually meant for those who don’t meet normal immigration requirements, but which could turn into permanent residency if extensions are granted.

“There doesn’t seem to be anything to indicate expedited processing,” said Montreal immigration lawyer David Cohen. The number of visas given so far, he added, “really isn’t impressive.”

The internal department target for Port-au-Prince for 2010 is between 2,358 to 2,435 people.

The current rate of visa issuance would yield about 1,500 for the year.

Given the epic scale of the disaster, the situation has Haitian families, most of whom live or have settled in Quebec, worried and frustrated.

“They promised to accelerate the process, but we don’t see any sign of that and it’s been three months,” said Marjorie Villefranche, program director for La Maison d’Haiti, a community centre in Montreal.

The Canadian government points to the fact that Canada’s embassy was severely damaged in the earthquake, limiting access to paper files.

It also says it has increased staff working on Haiti applications from four in Port-au-Prince before the quake, to 30 now, in Haiti, the Dominican Republic, and Ottawa.

On Thursday the department issued a notice saying it hopes to make final decisions on applications completed before the earthquake by June, and on those after, by the end of July.

If it succeeds at the latter commitment, the normal processing time of 23 months would be dramatically cut down.

Ottawa also points to another figure to show its humanitarian commitment. Accompanying the thousands of Canadians airlifted out of the country were more than 1,700 Haitians. The airlifts have since ended.

They were issued temporary resident visas – usually given to those going on vacation or to work or study in Canada. Some already held work or study permits.

By contrast, Canada gave out 562 temporary visas by this time last year.

“All these people we’ve helped leave Haiti and are now safe with their families here in Canada,” Immigration department spokesperson Mélanie Carkner said.

But these people have little to do with the promise of the government to give “priority” to new and existing sponsorship applications of family members in Haiti.

Instead, experts say, they were “lucky” enough to make it out as thousands clamoured at the gates of the embassy seeking evacuation.

They are, in some cases, family members of Canadians given passage at the discretion of an embassy officer. Or, Haitian parents might have had a Canadian child and were therefore able to go with the child, explained Villefranche.

“They were lucky,” she declared. “Normally they wouldn’t have been able to come so quickly.”

“My guess is that ordinarily they would not have gotten the (temporary resident visa),” Cohen added. “In that sense Canada extended a hand, and in that sense they were lucky because there are way more people who would have wanted the TRV.”

Cohen said these people might be able apply to stay in Canada on humanitarian grounds, something that is usually done from abroad.

Eline Occessite, a Haitian refugee, wanted to bring to Canada her 14-year-old daughter and 12-year-old son.

They’re currently living in Haiti, under a tent, with an adult friend. They have active immigration files to reunite with their mother.

But when Villefranche, while in Haiti recently, tried act on Occessite’s behalf to persuade the embassy to grant them temporary resident visas to expedite the process, they were refused on grounds that they did not meet that visa’s criteria.

“I was asking for humanitarian reasons,” Villefranche explained. “They are in danger; let them come.”

“I was shocked they did not accept them,” Occessite, 45, said. “There are bandits, and my children are not protected.”

There has been “zero change, zero progress” in the case of Canadian retiree Marie-Gerta Fanor, 66, who has been trying to bring her husband Roland Noel to Canada since they married in 2004, a family member said Friday. Noel now lives in his car in Port-au-Prince and Fanor had hoped his circumstances might favour his case.

There is also criticism about Quebec’s contribution to helping Haitians come to Canada.

In February, Quebec began allowing families to sponsor not only spouses, parents and children under 18, but also brothers, sisters and adult children.

But as of Mar. 19, only 19 cases had been approved, for a total of 40 people.

Even if more had been approved earlier, “it would not have changed anything,” said Claude Fradette, spokesperson for Quebec’s Ministry of Immigration and Cultural Communities.

The reason? Quebec’s role is to select immigrants; Canada issues the visas. There is already a backlog of 1,500 files approved by Quebec awaiting visas in Port-au-Prince.

Social worker Nicole Tremblay said families are also having trouble meeting the financial criteria to sponsor the relatives, even with a co-guarantor. To sponsor a family of four, for instance, would require an income of almost $70,000.

“I’m a single mother,” said Manoucheka Masson, a cook in Montreal, who wants to sponsor her sister. “Where am I going to find the kind of money they require?”

And yet, she says, her sister is living under a tarp with a baby and 9-year-old child and complains to Masson they are hungry. “I can barely talk to her on the phone, it hurts my heart so much.”

Tremblay has begun telling Haitian families to contact their members of parliament to press their cases. “We have sent letters, we have called; I don’t know what is causing the delays,” said Tremblay, of the Volunteer Action Centre of Montreal-North.

“If they wanted to really do something, they could,” Masson ventures. “They can’t bring everyone here from my country, of course, but they could do their best to help some.”

Ethiopian Children Imprisoned in Their Yemeni Homes

2010-04-10T10:05:00.001-05:00

April 6 2010 Heather Murdock

In almost every corner of Yemen, you can find suffering children. But in the darkest corners of city slums, children from Ethiopia, refugees with no official Yemeni legal status, are hard to locate. Parents say they lock up their children while they are at work to keep them safe from accidents, and force them to stay inside to keep them safe from racially charged violence.

In this household, on most days, the girls, Husnia, who is 5, and Dunia, who is 3, are tied to the bedposts while their parents go to work. The door is locked from the outside. Their big brother, 9-year-old Akram, is not tied up. He is allowed to wander the two concrete window-less rooms and the dank hallway.

Their mother, Asha, says Akram is now old enough to avoid household accidents that commonly kill refugee children in Yemen's urban slums. But, she says, when Akram was little, she chained and padlocked him to the bed to keep him safe.

Not long ago, Asha's neighbor went to work, and didn't tie up her toddler. The baby crawled into the clothes-washing water, and was dead before she got home.

Asha says she locks up the children to keep them alive. She cannot afford day care, and school is out of the question. When a visitor opens the front door, the three bolt towards the white sunlight. "They are like animals," she says- always trying to get out.

Asha is an ethnic Oromo, and one of thousands of Ethiopian refugees in Yemen. Ethiopian officials say there is no ethnic majority among Ethiopian refugees in Yemen. But aid workers and refugees say they are almost all from the Oromo.

This girl, whose name is Oromia, has spent seven of her 10 years inside a cave-like room with a leaky tin roof, and a single window, which is squished up against her neighbor's wall. She went to school for one day, but her classmates beat her and her sister. The school principal did nothing to stop it, so her father took them home.

Oromia says she has no dreams because she has no future. She and her brothers and sisters don't fight, and they don't play. She says she doesn't know any games.

No legal standing

Khader, the father says he never lets his children go outside. He says he is afraid they will be beaten up because they are black, and he has barely any legal standing to complain.

In Yemen, Somalis fleeing war are granted automatic refugee status, which gives them the right to live and work. Non-Somalis from Africa, however, who are mostly from Ethiopia and Eritrea, are sometimes granted legal refugee status from the United Nations refugee agency. The Yemeni government, however, does not recognize this status.

Abdul Karim al-Iryani, a former prime minister, says that Ethiopians are not recognized because they are not really refugees. He says they came to Yemen looking for work, not fleeing political persecution.

"There is no war in Ethiopia, like in Somalia, to justify their classification as refugees, like Somalis, but this has been the case between Yemen, and Eritrea and Ethiopia, particularly during famines, and lack of rains," said al-Iryani.

Ethiopian parents insist they fled human rights abuses, like arbitrary arrests, torture, and killings at home. UNHCR refugee status means protection from deportation, and access to some refugee services. But because the government does not recognize them as refugees, their letters, that are supposed to serve as ID cards, are virtually useless.

No education, no future

And for all African refugee children in Yemen- from Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea- abject poverty stunts their education as much as racism or politics. Adventist Development and Relief Agency project manager Soo-Rae Hong says many families simply cannot justify the cost of sending their kids to school.

"In general, I don't think there are a lot of refugee children that attend schools because even though its relatively free of charge, provided by the government, you still need to have a birth certificate and a lot of those children don't have that. You also need to pay for a school uniform and school supplies, and parents can't afford that," said Soo-Rae.

Many children, like Oromia, say they no longer dream of education, because it won't happen. Oromia's 7-year-old sister, Ilily, however, says when she grows up, she wants to be the school principal. When that day comes, she says, refugee children will never get beaten when they try to go to school.

Egypt: Guards Kill 3 Migrants on Border With Israel

2010-04-05T16:30:00.001-05:00

31 Mar 2010
Human Rights Watch (HRW)

Other Threats to Refugees: Deportation Risk for Darfuris; Another Has Been 'Disappeared'

(New York, March 31, 2010) – Egyptian border guards have shot dead three migrants attempting to cross from Egypt to Israel over the past four days, bringing the total number of migrants shot dead at the border so far this year to 12, Human Rights Watch said today. The Egyptian authorities have arrested a number of refugees over the past month, one of whom remains missing, and the authorities also appear to be preparing to deport two refugees from Darfur back to Sudan, where they face detention and torture, Human Rights Watch said.

"Egyptian guards have made the Sinai border a death zone for migrants trying to flee the country," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "What's more, the Egyptian government has not investigated even a single case of the 69 killings of migrants by border guards since 2007."

On March 29, 2010, the border guards shot dead an Eritrean migrant and wounded two others as they tried to cross the Sinai border into Israel. In addition, unnamed Egyptian security sources told Reuters that Egyptian police had shot dead two African migrants, wounded five others, and arrested three more on March 27, also at Egypt's border with Israel.

In response to criticism over the fatal shootings, the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated in a news release that "the number of deaths in these incidents did not exceed 2 percent in 2008 and 4 percent in 2009 of the total number of migrants attempting to cross."

"What security interest of Egypt's is served by these border guards killing Africans trying to leave Egypt and enter Israel?" Whitson said. "At most, border guards should stop these migrants and allow the UN to determine whether they're entitled to refugee status."

On March 2, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navi Pillay, said that she knew "of no other country where so many unarmed migrants and asylum seekers appear to have been deliberately killed in this way by government forces." The Egyptian government responded the following day, saying that her statement was full of inaccuracies and false allegations and "lacked the professionalism and impartiality that Egypt expected from such an important international post." Egypt has provided no details about the alleged inaccuracies.

The Egyptian government contends that refugees and other migrants leaving Egypt for Israel pose a threat to Egypt's national security because transnational organized criminal groups are using Egypt as a route to smuggle people and drugs into Israel. The Egyptian government also said that the border guards use force only when necessary, in self defense, and that 14 of its police officers have been shot dead in an exchange of fire with "smugglers in Sinai."

While the government may have legitimate security concerns in tackling smuggling of goods and human trafficking across its borders, it has failed to justify the killing of these 69 migrants, Human Rights Watch said.

In its 2008 report, "Sinai Perils," Human Rights Watch documented how in the vast majority of cases of migrants killed at the border, smugglers were not present when border guards opened fire. Refugees, asylum seekers, and other migrants who had tried to cross into Israel repeatedly described incidents in which smugglers, in return for payments, led migrants at night to within walking distance of the border, pointed out the way, then withdrew. When the guards open fire, the smugglers are already far away, those interviewed by Human Rights Watch said. Even if the guards were genuinely trying to catch the traffickers, that would not in itself justify lethal force, which should only be used when strictly unavoidable to protect life, Human Rights Watch said.

To justify the use of lethal force, under international law the Egyptian government must ensure that there is an independent and public investigation into the circumstances in each fatal shooting of migrants to demonstrate that it was strictly unavoidable to protect life. Where the taking of life cannot be justified, those responsible, including those who gave the orders, should be prosecuted, Human Rights Watch said. In fact, the government has failed to investigate any of these incidents involving the use of lethal force by border guards.

Among the fatal shootings by border guards was the case of Hadja Abbas Haroun, a 28-year-old Darfuri woman, who was seven months pregnant, killed on July 22, 2007, as she was trying to cross the border near al-Aouja, 62 miles south of Rafah.

Egyptian officials have stressed, and some witness accounts confirm, that Egyptian border police follow a common warning procedure before directly targeting people who are trying to cross the border. However, such a warning procedure is irrelevant to requirements for the lawful use of lethal force by police in instances other than self defense. The UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms provide that law enforcement officials "shall, as far as possible, apply non-violent means before resorting to the use of force" and may use force "only if other means remain ineffective." When the use of force is unavoidable, law enforcement officials must "exercise restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offence."

Egypt is violating international requirements for the treatment of refugees in other ways, Human Rights Watch said. Those granted official recognition as refugees by the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) should be protected from deportation to countries where they are at risk of persecution. But refugees in Egypt remain vulnerable to deportation despite the fact that they hold documentation from the UNHCR. On January 25, Egyptian authorities sent a UNHCR-recognized refugee, Mohammed El Hadj Abdallah, back to Sudan. He had been arrested in September 2009 in Ismailia, in northern Egypt, then detained until he was deported.

Egyptian authorities now appear to be preparing to deport at least one recognized Sudanese refugee, Mohammad Adam Abdallah. A second recognized refugee, Ishaq Fadl Ahmad Dafa Allah, is detained in Qanater prison and was told by a Sudanese embassy official that he too would soon be deported back to Sudan. The Sudanese embassy has issued a travel document for Abdallah, and Egyptian security officials have moved him from Qanater to the Khalifa police station, which is used as a deportation center. Egyptian security officials arrested the two refugees in Sinai in August 2009 on suspicion of trying to cross the border into Israel.

Both men are from the Zaghawa tribe in Darfur, and were granted refugee status by UNHCR because they had faced persecution, detention, and torture in Sudan and would face persecution if returned there. Sudanese authorities continue to target Darfuri activists all across Sudan. The two men are also active members of the Zaghawa Association, a Darfuri community group in Egypt: Dafa Allah is the chairman and Abdallah a member of the executive committee. Dafa Allah is also active in the Union of Darfur Associations in Egypt, and in that role was providing assistance to other refugees and asylum seekers.

"If Egypt suspects these men of a crime it should charge and try them," Whitson said. "But whether it does or not, it has no authority to deport them to Sudan, where they face persecution."

In December 2008 and January 2009, Egypt forcibly returned more than 45 Eritrean asylum seekers to Eritrea, where they face detention and the risk of torture, without first assessing their protection needs and providing them with the opportunity to make asylum claims. Under refugee law and under the Convention Against Torture, Egypt may not return anyone to a country where he or she faces the risk of torture and persecution.

Sudanese community sources say that over the past three months, the Egyptian authorities have arrested at least 25 recognized refugees from Darfur. Among them is Faisal Mohamed Haroun, a recognized refugee from Darfur, arrested by State Security Investigations officers on January 7 and detained ever since at an undisclosed location.

On January 19, Egyptian Foundation for Refugee Rights lawyers submitted a complaint to the General Prosecutor protesting Haroun's incommunicado detention. They also submitted a request to the prisons authority on February 17 to determine where he was being held, and were told that he was not detained in any Egyptian prison. Incommunicado detention at an undisclosed location amounts to enforced disappearance.

"Incommunicado detention in state security offices is illegal under Egyptian and international law," Whitson said. "The fact that Faisal Haroun is a vulnerable refugee makes it even more urgent to reveal where he is and either charge or immediately release him."

© Copyright, Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA

Black, but not like me: African-Americans and African immigrants often have uneasy bond

2010-04-05T15:54:00.001-05:00

by MARIANA MORA
March 08, 2010

Girmai Lemma is from Ethiopia. He has lived in Chicago for many years. He does not consider himself to be African-American: He is African.

Lemma is not alone. Constant tensions between African-Americans and non U.S.-born Africans refute the notion that the term African-American is interchangeable with black. In the eyes of many native-born blacks and African immigrants, it isn’t.

“It would have been nice if we had a good relationship with African-Americans, but we don’t,” Lemma said.

How Lemma defines himself may be irrelevant to the larger American society.

But within the black community, less than 2 percent are Africans. Lemma said that in the United States all black people are put in the same group. “When we came from Ethiopia, we never thought we would be discriminated here,” Lemma said.

“[The police] follow you all the way until your house. It is a suburb, not too many blacks living there,” Lemma said. “When they see you, what is black is black, until they hear your accent.”

While that might make police look favorably on African immigrants, it also cuts the other way.

Eugene Peba, originally from Nigeria, believes his accent causes African-Americans look down upon him.

“We don’t sound like they sound,” Peba said. “It is a little bit weird. We think that they would say, ‘This is my brother,’ but there is a little bit of resentment.”

But Garrard McClendon, who hosts a show on CLTV that often focuses on African-American issues, said those feelings of resentment go both ways.

“I think that sometimes African-Americans are disrespected by immigrants because immigrants don’t see us taking advantage of the [opportunities] we already have,” McClendon said.

McClendon also said he blames the media for perpetuating stereotypical images of black people as criminals, underemployed or womanizers.

One academic said African immigrants pick up on those cues.

David O. Stovall, who teaches African-American and education studies at the University of Illinois-Chicago, agrees that Africans have preconceived notions of African-Americans, some positive, some negative. “When people come to the States they already have an image of what black life is,” Stovall said.

Some African immigrants, Stovall said, see black people in the U.S. as a source of community, but others wish to distance themselves from them.

The source of the tension, Stovall said, is that Africans don’t understand the history of oppression that black people in the United States have faced. Additionally, many American black people are unaware of the turmoil that Africans have faced back home. The problem, Stovall said, “is our inability to communicate our history, to engage our histories.”

Though both groups have roots in the same continent, their histories and experiences differ significantly. To some, the American black community and the African immigrant community sometimes segregate themselves.

“Most of the African people seem to group among themselves,” said Alice Ogbarmey-Tetteh, a Ghanaian who has been living in Chicago for more than 30 years. “They have to learn how to socialize outside their community. If you want to survive in America you have to learn the system.”

From a sociological point of view, it is not simply a matter of integration between both groups. Mosi Ifatunji, race and ethnicity professor at UIC explained African immigrants are unable to understand why African-Americans are still upset about racial discrimination: The immigrants arrived at a point when it was formally over. “African immigrants are seeing a different America and therefore have a different set of expectations,” Ifatunji said. “African immigrants are not upset with American whites about slavery.”

For black people in the United States it is still hard to not have resentment against whites. “To simply forget about the past for African-Americans is sort of to throw their ancestors under the bus,” Ifatunji said.

Even the American-raised children of African immigrants may feel distanced from the African-American community.

“When you come from Africa to United States, your identity is formed by the African-American experience,” said Oluwabukola Adeyinka, who arrived from Nigeria when she was 5. “But I’m African. I have been my entire life.”

Adeyinka explained that older generations of Nigerians like her father have stereotypes of African-Americans as lazy and dangerous, despite having lived in the U.S. for years.

The distance between the American black and African immigrant communities is particularly apparent for immigrants during the census. Although they may not identify themselves as being part of the same group as African-Americans, they have only a single choice to select to identify their race on the census: “Black, African-American or Negro.”

Other races and ethnicities have several categories from which to choose.

This category is particularly troubling for Africans who don’t consider themselves black. “Ethiopians are a little lighter-skinned than black,” Lemma said.

Despite the tension and distance between Africans and African-Americans, there are some like United African Organization Director Alie Kabba, who think that both groups should work together to empower themselves as minorities in the United States.

“I think that in terms of electoral processes, Africans and African-Americans can generally work together,” Kabba said. “The same issues that [affect] the African community, also have an impact on the African-American community.”

There are also organizations such as Washington D.C.-based National Coalition on Black Civil Participation, whose objective is to eliminate the barriers among black communities to promote social and economic justice, according to its Web site.

Ifatunji thinks that the discussion shouldn’t be whether black groups could merge culturally, but instead enhancing their common political interest as minorities.

“Your cultural traditions, let it be your cultural traditions. Your history, let it be your history. But political, if nothing else, we have a common interest across all lines of color against white supremacy,” Ifatunji said. “Until we can be clear about that we’ll continue to suffer from white supremacy.”

Senate supports Haiti debt relief

2010-04-05T15:48:00.001-05:00

By Nelson A. King
March 8, 2010

The United States Senate on Friday unanimously passed a resolution supporting calls for Haiti debt relief in the wake of the Jan. 12 devastating earthquake.

“The people of Haiti face a long and difficult road ahead,” said Democratic Senator Christopher Dodd, lead author of the “Haiti Recovery Act” and chairman of the Senate Banking Committee.

“But today (Friday), the United States Senate made it clear that they will not have to walk that road alone,” he added.

In February, the world’s richest countries, otherwise known as the Group of Seven, said they will cancel Haiti’s debt. Those countries comprise Britain, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United States.

Haiti owes an estimated $1.88 billion dollars to international creditors. The Washington-based Inter-American Development Bank said about $14 billion will be needed to rebuild Haiti in the wake of the earthquake.

The Senate measure would permit United States representatives on the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and other international lending agencies to work towards relieving Haiti’s debt obligations.

The measure comes as Haitian President Rene Preval was expected on Monday to make his first official visit to the United States since the earthquake ravaged the impoverished, French-speaking Caribbean country.

The White House said Preval was expected to hold discussions with President Barack Obama, who plans to ask legislators for more than $1 billion in aid for Haiti.

Preval, ahead of his U.S. visit, that he planned to press Obama to help address some of Haiti’s more immediate concerns.

“There is an urgency. The urgency is that we have entered into a rainy season,” he said, stating that the country needs at least $93 million immediately to fix drainage pipes to prevent flooding.

“We need to put jobs in the provinces; and, for that, you need roads, electricity, education, health,” Preval added.

The talks with Obama came weeks before a major donor conference on Haiti, at the United Nations, on March 31.

The State Department said on Friday that the U.S. and the U.N., in cooperation with the government of Haiti, and with the support of Brazil, Canada, the European Union, France, and Spain, will co-host theministerial “International Donors’ Conference Towards a New Future for Haiti.”

“The goal of the conference is to mobilize international support for the development needs of Haiti to begin to lay the foundation for Haiti’s long-term recovery,” the State Department said.

“The government of Haiti faces enormous challenges following the devastating earthquake of Jan. 12. Meeting these challenges will require a sustained and substantial commitment from the international community, in support of the government and people of Haiti,” it added.

“At the donors’ conference, Haiti will present its vision for Haiti’s future and how international support can assist. Donor countries, international organizations, and other partners will have an opportunity to pledge resources, to coordinate in support of Haiti’s long-term recovery, and to commit to a sustained effort to support Haiti,” the State Department continued.

Meantime, Brooklyn Democratic Congresswoman Yvette D. Clarke has called for continued close collaboration with Haitian authorities and support in addressing the nation’s plight in the wake of the massive earthquake.

“After witnessing firsthand the destruction caused by the Jan. 12 earthquake, it is clear that we must continue to work alongside the Haitian government to rectify social and economic problems facing Haiti,” Clarke, representative for the 11th Congressional District told Caribbean Life.

She was part of a United States Congressional delegation that has just returned from Haiti “in order to assess the impact of the ongoing relief effort and analyze the prospect for future development.”

The nine-member delegation also included Democratic representatives Elliott Engel, of New York, and Donald Payne, of New Jersey.

“I have spent considerable time speaking with Haitian leaders and citizens alike.We must develop a long term strategy in order to foster sustainable development in the devastated nation,” Clarke said.

“As a representative of the second largest Haitian immigrant population in the United States (behind Miami), this devastation has hit close to home for many of my constituents,” she added, disclosing that she is “examining avenues to provide Haiti with more than just humanitarian relief.”

“The U.S. must develop long-term rebuilding efforts, reunite Haitian families, and create sustainable economic opportunities for all Haitians to enjoy,” Clarke continued.

“I look forward to working closely with the Haitian government, the Obama administration, my colleagues in the Congress, and my constituents to create long term solutions for Haiti,” she said.

Helping Haitians to Work

2010-04-05T15:47:00.000-05:00

March 21, 2010

One very good thing the United States did to help Haiti after the Jan. 12 earthquake was to declare that Haitians living here when the quake hit could apply for temporary protected status, a special 18-month amnesty granted to illegal immigrants who cannot safely return home because of natural disasters or other reasons.

This was supposed to help Haitians help one another, swiftly and effectively. Undocumented immigrants live in the shadows, taking jobs at low wages, fearful of deportation. If they were legalized and unafraid, they could look for better work or further their education, and earn more to send to families in shattered Haiti, which acutely depends on remittances by its large diaspora.

The administration has been preparing to receive protected-status applications from as many as 100,000 of the 100,000 to 200,000 Haitians believed to be in the United States illegally as of Jan. 12. But only about 37,000 have applied, and only about 4,200 have been approved. The six-month application window closes in July. The pace must pick up drastically.

Haitian advocacy groups say the main reason for the poor response is money. Application fees total almost $500, a severe obstacle for working-class immigrants.

The head of Citizenship and Immigration Services, Alejandro Mayorkas, says his agency can’t eliminate its fees, but it has the power to waive them for people who can prove they are poor. He has promised that his employees will treat applicants with a “generosity of spirit.” This would be a refreshing change for an agency notorious for bureaucrats expert in finding a way to say no.

The citizenship agency must redouble its efforts to make the application process simple and speedy, recognizing that many of these working poor lack documents showing their need. There is a burden, too, on immigrant advocates and Haitians themselves to make sure applicants are well-prepared for interviews — taking along, if necessary, simple affidavits attesting to financial need — so they can get working papers as quickly as possible.

Ellison Applauds White House Action for Minnesota Liberian Community

2010-04-05T15:44:00.000-05:00

Today Representative Keith Ellison thanked President Obama for taking swift action to extend Deferred Enforced Departure (DED) for Liberians living legally in the United States. Ellison has long been a leader in Congress in fighting for the Liberian community in the United States. He recently met with leaders of Minnesota’s Liberian community to discuss the proposed extension of DED status and its importance to the thousands of Liberians residing in Minnesota.

“Liberian-Americans contribute to our communities in Minnesota. They are part of our society and they should be able to maintain their lives in the United States. The Administration granting Deferred Extended Status is a big win for Liberian-Americans — and for all Minnesotans,” said
Congressman Keith Ellison.

“As thrilled as I am about this decision, we have simply been given an 18-month reprieve,” said Ellison. “I plan to work with President Obama and my colleagues in Congress to find paths to citizenship for those Liberian families who wish to apply.”

Congressman Ellison and Congressman Patrick Kennedy (D-RI) introduced the Liberian Refugee Immigration Fairness Act in the House. The bill would allow Liberians who were brought to the United States legally under temporary protection status to apply for permanent residency. Ellison and Kennedy also helped lead the successful fight to grant DED to eligible Liberians in September 2007, authorized by President Bush, and again pushed for the one-year DED extension authorized by President Obama in March 2008. Without the extension, the previous DED protection was set to expire March 31, 2010.

In 1989, a civil war in Liberia displaced over half the country’s population and many Liberians sought refuge in the United States. More than 30,000 Liberians reside in Minnesota and an estimated 1,000 currently are living under DED status. Since 1991, these refugees have been granted Temporary Protected Status (TPS) or Deferred Enforced Departure (DED) status.

Black Immigrants, An Invisible 'Model Minority'

2010-04-05T15:41:00.001-05:00

By Clarence Page
March 19, 2007

WASHINGTON-Do African immigrants make the smartest Americans? The question may sound outlandish, but if you were judging by statistics alone, you could find plenty of evidence to back it up.

In a side-by-side comparison of 2000 census data by sociologist John R. Logan at the Mumford Center, State University of New York at Albany, black immigrants from Africa average the highest educational attainment of any population group in the country, including whites and Asians.

For example, 43.8 percent of African immigrants had achieved a college degree, compared to 42.5 of Asian Americans, 28.9 percent for immigrants from Europe, Russia and Canada, and 23.1 percent of the U.S. population as a whole.

That defies the usual stereotypes of Asian Americans as the only "model minority." Yet the traditional American narrative has rendered the high academic achievements of black immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean invisible, as if it were a taboo topic.

Instead, we should take a closer look. That was my reaction in 2004 after black Harvard law professor Lani Guinier and Henry Louis Gates Jr., chairman of Harvard's African-American studies department, stirred a black Harvard alumni reunion with questions about precisely where the university's new black students were coming from.

About 8 percent, or 530, of Harvard's undergraduates were black, they said, but somewhere between one-half and two-thirds of black undergraduates were "West Indian and African immigrants or their children, or to a lesser extent, children of biracial couples."

If we take a closer look, I said at the time, I bet we'll find that Harvard's not alone. With all of the ink and airwaves that have been devoted to immigration these days, black immigrants remain remarkably invisible. Yet their success has long followed the patterns of other high-achieving immigrants.

As one immigrant Jamaican friend once told me, "I'm too busy working two jobs to worry about the white man's racism."

Now comes a new study that finds a consistent pattern of Ivy League and other elite colleges and universities boosting their black student populations by enrolling large numbers of immigrants from Africa, the West Indies and Latin America.

Immigrants, who make up 13 percent of the nation's college-age black population, account for more than a quarter of black students at Ivy League and other elite universities, according to the study of 28 selective colleges and universities. The authors of the study, published recently in the American Journal of Education, included Douglas S. Massey of Princeton University and Camille Z. Charles of the University of Pennsylvania. The proportion of immigrants was higher at private institutions, 28.8 percent, than at the public ones, where they comprised 23.1 percent of enrollment.

Are elite schools padding their racial diversity numbers with black immigrants who do not have a history of American slavery in their families? This development immediately calls into question whether affirmative action admission policies are fulfilling their original intent.

But as Walter Benn Michaels, a professor of English at the University of Illinois at Chicago, writes in his book "The Trouble With Diversity: How We Learned to Love Identity and Ignore Inequality," the original intent of affirmative action morphed back in the 1970s from reparations for slavery into the promotion of a broader virtue: "diversity." Since then, it no longer seems to matter how many of your college's black students had slavery in their families. It only matters that they are black.

That said, I don't begrudge black immigrants or any other high-achieving immigrants for their impressive achievements. I applaud them. I encourage more native-born American children, particularly my own child, to take similar advantage of this country's hard-won opportunities.

But I also think we need to revisit the meaning of "diversity." Unlike our current system of feel-good game-playing, we need to focus on the deeper question of how education can be improved and opportunities opened up to those who were left behind by the civil rights revolution.

We tend to look too often at every aspect of diversity except economic class. Yet, the dream of upward mobility is an essential part of how we Americans like to think of ourselves.

It's also why a lot more people are trying to get into this country than trying to get out.

Page is a Pulitzer Prize-winning syndicated columnist specializing in urban issues. He is based in Washington, D.C. E-mail: cptime@aol.com

Why So Few Blacks Join Immigration Rallies

2010-04-05T15:39:00.000-05:00

At last week's immigration march on Washington, tens of thousands of immigrants and activists rallied around the Capitol Building, calling for legislation that would afford legal status to the millions of illegal immigrants living and working within the United States. While official crowd estimates for such events are notoriously unreliable, the New York Times noted that "the demonstrators filled five lengthy blocks of the Washington Mall."

Many, if not most, of the rally attendees wielded protest signs--both homemade and professionally manufactured--or wore T-shirts emblazoned with slogans like "Change takes courage" and "Illegals are humans." Still others carried flags--American, Mexican, Brazilian, French, and almost everything in between. And while it seemed as if practically everyone had a unique way of showing their support for reform, they also had one very notable similarity: The crowd was overwhelmingly Latino, with chants of "Libertad ahora!" filling the air as frequently as "Freedom now!"

To be sure, knowing the statistics--76 percent of America's illegal immigrants are Hispanic, according to the Pew Hispanic Center--a majority Latino presence was to be expected. And according to the Population Reference Bureau, in 2005, there were only 2,815,000 foreign-born blacks in America (compared to nearly 18 million foreign-born Hispanics). But in Washington, D.C., estimated to be the home of more than 150,000 Ethiopian immigrants and their descendants, the lack of black protesters was downright odd. Ultimately, it raised an important question to consider in the days leading up to the Obama administration's grapple with America's immigration problems: Why don't black immigrants have an affinity for the reform movement?

One thing we do know is that, despite their relatively small presence, black immigrants are often the most upwardly mobile ethnic group functioning in the United States today, even more than foreign-born white Americans. For instance, as journalist Clarence Page noted in 2007's "Black immigrants: an invisible model minority," in 2000 "43.8 percent of African immigrants had achieved a college degree, compared to 42.5 of Asian Americans, 28.9 percent for immigrants from Europe, Russia and Canada, and 23.1 percent of the U.S. population as a whole." In 2005, a fifth of Caribbean or Latin American-born blacks in America had degrees. And according to a 2006 study by sociologists at Princeton and University of Pennsylvania, of the black students attending Ivy League colleges, 41 percent were either immigrants themselves or children of immigrants.

If the statistics are to be believed, then it would seem that there's some truth to the quip that a Jamaican immigrant offered while Page was researching his article: "I'm too busy working two jobs to worry about the white man's racism."

Obama Expands Military Involvement in Africa

2010-04-05T15:05:00.002-05:00

WASHINGTON, Apr 2 (IPS) - When Pres. Barack Obama took office in January 2009, it was widely expected that he would dramatically change, or even reverse, the militarised and unilateral security policy that had been pursued by the George W. Bush administration toward Africa, as well as toward other parts of the world.

After one year in office, however, it is clear that the Obama administration is following essentially the same policy that has guided U.S. military policy toward Africa for more than a decade. Indeed, the Obama administration is seeking to expand U.S. military activities on the continent even further.

In its FY 2011 budget request for security assistance programmes for Africa, the Obama administration is asking for 38 million dollars for the Foreign Military Financing programme to pay for U.S. arms sales to African countries.

The administration is also asking for 21 million dollars for the International Military Education and Training Programme to bring African military officers to the United States, and 24.4 million dollars for Anti-Terrorism Assistance programmes in Africa.

The Obama administration has also taken a number of other steps to expand U.S. military involvement in Africa.

In June 2009, administration officials revealed that Pres. Obama had approved a programme to supply at least 40 tonnes of weaponry and provide training to the forces of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Somalia through several intermediaries, including Uganda, Burundi, Djibouti, Kenya, and France.

In September 2009, Obama authorised a U.S. Special Forces operation in Somalia that killed Saleh Ali Nabhan, an alleged al Qaeda operative who was accused of being involved in the bombing of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in August 1998, as well as other al Qaeda operations in east Africa.

In October 2009, the Obama administration announced a major new security assistance package for Mali - valued at 4.5 to 5.0 million dollars - that included 37 Land Cruiser pickup trucks, communication equipment, replacement parts, clothing and other individual equipment and was intended to enhance Mali's ability to transport and communicate with internal security forces throughout the country and control its borders.

Although ostensibly intended to help Mali deal with potential threats from AQIM (al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb), it is more likely to be used against Tuareg insurgent forces.

In December 2009, U.S. military officials confirmed that the Pentagon was considering the creation of a 1,000-strong Marine rapid deployment force for the new U.S. Africa Command (Africom) based in Europe, which could be used to intervene in African hot spots.

In February 2010, in his testimony before a hearing by the Africa Subcommittee of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Johnnie Carson declared, "We seek to enhance Nigeria's role as a U.S. partner on regional security, but we also seek to bolster its ability to combat violent extremism within its borders."

Also in February 2010, U.S. Special Forces troops began a 30-million-dollar, eight-month-long training programme for a 1,000-man infantry battalion of the army of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) at the U.S.-refurbished base in Kisangani.

Speaking before a Senate Armed Service Committee hearing in March 2010 about this training programme, General William Ward, the commander of Africom, stated "should it prove successful, there's potential that it could be expanded to other battalions as well."

During the Senate Armed Services Committee hearing, Ward also discussed Africom's continuing participation in Ugandan military operations in the DRC against the Lord's Resistance Army. Despite the failure of "Operation Lightning Thunder", launched by Ugandan troops in December 2008 with help of Africom (included planning assistance, equipment, and financial backing), Ward declared, "I think our support to those ongoing efforts is important support."

And in March 2010, U.S. officials revealed that the Obama administration was considering using surveillance drones to provide intelligence to TFG troops in Somalia for their planned offensive against al-Shabaab. According to these officials, the Pentagon may also launch air strikes into Somalia and send U.S. Special Forces troops into the country, as it has done in the past.

This growing U.S. military involvement in Africa reflects the fact that counterinsurgency has once again become one of the main elements of U.S. security strategy.

This is clearly evident in the new Quadrennial Defence Review (QDR) released by the Pentagon in February.

According to the QDR, "U.S. forces will work with the military forces of partner nations to strengthen their capacity for internal security, and will coordinate those activities with those of other U.S. government agencies as they work to strengthen civilian capacities, thus denying terrorists and insurgents safe havens. For reasons of political legitimacy as well as sheer economic necessity, there is no substitute for professional, motivated local security forces protecting populations threatened by insurgents and terrorists in their midst."

As the QDR makes clear, this is intended to avoid the need for direct U.S. military intervention: "Efforts that use smaller numbers of U.S. forces and emphasise host-nation leadership are generally preferable to large-scale counterinsurgency campaigns. By emphasising host-nation leadership and employing modest numbers of U.S. forces, the United States can sometimes obviate the need for larger-scale counterinsurgency campaigns."

Or, as a senior U.S. military officer assigned to Africom was quoted as saying in a recent article in the U.S. Air University's Strategic Studies Quarterly, "We don't want to see our guys going in and getting wacked...We want Africans to go in."

Thus, the QDR goes on to say, "U.S. forces are working in the Horn of Africa, the Sahel, Colombia, and elsewhere to provide training, equipment, and advice to their host-country counterparts on how to better seek out and dismantle terrorist and insurgent networks while providing security to populations that have been intimidated by violent elements in their midst."

Furthermore, the United States will also continue to expand and improve the network of local military bases that are available to U.S. troops under base access agreements.

The resurgence of Vietnam War-era counterinsurgency doctrine as a principal tenet of U.S. security policy, therefore, has led to a major escalation of U.S. military involvement in Africa by the Obama administration that seems likely to continue in the years ahead.

*Daniel Volman is the Director of the African Security Research Project in Washington, DC. He is the author of numerous articles and reports and has been studying U.S. security policy toward Africa and African security issues for more than 30 years.

African-Americans: Blacks in Cuba 'treated with callous disregard'

2009-12-11T16:19:00.000-06:00

Havana, Cuba (CNN) -- A group of prominent African-Americans has challenged Cuba's race record, accusing the island nation of harassing its black citizens and cracking down on civil rights activists.

Sixty intellectuals and artists, including Princeton University professor Cornel West, the Rev. Jeremiah Wright and actress Ruby Dee, have signed a declaration of protest.

"We cannot sit idly by and allow for decent, peaceful and dedicated civil rights activists in Cuba, and the black population as a whole, to be treated with callous disregard," the declaration says.

The declaration also calls for the release of Darsi Ferrer, a jailed mixed-race dissident who organized human rights marches.

Cuba has struck back with a letter written by its intellectuals and distributed by the government.

"To say that there is a 'callous disregard' among us for black Cubans, that civil liberties are repressed for reasons of race and to demand an end to 'the unnecessary and brutal harassment of black Cubans who defend human rights' would seem to be a delusional farce," they respond.

Cubans are proud of their racial mix, but racism is often an uncomfortable topic.

When a group of men in Havana's Central Park were recently asked about it, most of them turned away.

"No, no, we just talk about baseball," one man said of the national sport.

Others said Cuba is no different from any other country.

"There's racism everywhere in the world," another man said.

Slavery and discrimination are part of Cuba's history, as in much of the Americas.

Until 1959, Cuba had beaches, clubs and barbershops reserved for whites. One of the first things Fidel Castro did after his socialist revolution triumphed was declare racial discrimination illegal.

The revolution did deal an institutional blow to racism, but also incorrectly declared a centuries-old problem solved with just a decree or a law, said Cuban dissident Dimas Castellano.

Police still stop blacks more frequently than whites, for example, he said.

Cubans come in many shades of black, brown and white, as described by words such as mulatto, negro, mestizo, blanco, trigeno and jabao. According to the latest census, 35 percent of Cubans are of African descent. But the most visible are concentrated in sports and music, critics say, while few Afro-Cubans are in top government posts or on state television.

Cuban intellectuals defend their country in their letter, saying it has a long history of helping Africans and Afro-Cubans.

Cuba sent 350,000 troops to Angola, Ethiopia and other countries in Africa, to support their fights for independence, the intellectuals said. It also has provided free education to students from across Africa, they added.

"If today's Cuba felt this contempt for blacks, more than 35,000 young Africans wouldn't have been educated in our schools during the last 40 years," they wrote.

Education and family -- not dueling documents -- are key to combating racism, even most of those at Havana's Central Park agreed.

Obama should apologize to Africa

2009-12-05T17:44:00.001-06:00

5 December 2009
Prince Prah

This is a continuation of my feature which appeared on this website on 31st October, 2009 titled “The Anti-African Racist Insults Obama Got Away With In Ghana”. I enjoyed the bashing from all of you and I know we are sharing opinions. Enjoy reading.

Obama apologised to Europe during his trip to France in April 2009. He was apologetic to the Arab world in his speech in Cairo, Egypt. But during his trip to Ghana he opined that Africans are responsible for their multifarious problems and said: “It is easy to point fingers, and to pin the blame for these (Africa’s) problems on others”. Obama did not have the courage to admit and take full responsibility for the role of America in the undoing of the continent.

When Obama travelled to Europe in April 2009, in a speech in France he said, “In America, there's a failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world. Instead of celebrating your dynamic union and seeking to partner with you to meet common challenges, there have been times where America has shown arrogance and been dismissive, even derisive... So I've come to Europe this week to renew our partnership, one in which America listens and learns from our friends and allies...So let me say this as clearly as I can: America is changing”.

Obama sounded apologetic to the Arab world when he travelled to Egypt. He said: “We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world — tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate...More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim—majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations...I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect”.

But when Obama travelled to Ghana in July 11, 2009, he said: “It is easy to point fingers, and to pin the blame for these (Africa’s) problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense bred conflict, and the West has often approached Africa as a patron, rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants”.

Obama did not have the courage to admit and take full responsibility for the role of America in the undoing of the continent.

Some American States like Virginia have apologised to Black Americans for the slave trade because undoubtedly the slave trade benefited America and was promoted by the United States government. For a long period of time Washington D.C. actually served as the chief port through which slaves were imported.

The Southern region of the United States paid for slaves to be brought over. The Southern plantation owners were supplied with their money from Northern industrialists who knew exactly how the South was growing cotton at so cheap a price. For at least 80 years of its existence the U.S. government condoned and allowed the slavery to flourish.

Yes Obama said, “Africa's future is up to Africans”, But at the root of the current crisis in Africa is surely the Slave trade, Colonialism, neo-colonialism, American imperialism, trade imbalances, the support for corruption and exploitation of Africa by American multi-national companies.

As Obama himself admitted: “I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family’s own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story”.

Obama said in Cairo: “each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions”, but America and the West has not allowed African democracy to evolve on its own.

But in so many ways and in so many times, they have interfered in Africa’s development – by sponsoring coups especially the one against Dr. Kwame Nkrumah which I know off and there may be many across the African continent.

Barack Obama said in Ghana: “for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources”, but what he failed to add was the role of western and American companies in fuelling these conflicts.

Obama is right when he said: “development depends upon good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That is the change that can unlock Africa's potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans”.

However, let us not forget that at the root of Africa’s predicament are the tri-partite combination of Bad leadership, Rich Countries exploitation of Africa and the imposition of wrong policies by international Institutions.

Doing a little research work, I came across Malawi which is a case in point. Not quite long ago a New York Times article describes how Malawi went from food aid recipient to regional food provider in just two years after re-introducing fertilizer subsidies for its low-income farmers. The move contravened years of policy guidance from the World Bank and IMF, which warn against such distortions of the “free market.”

In other words, by violating what its wealthy benefactors in Europe and North America say, Malawi achieved success.

Unfortunately for Ghana, the British and American imposition has produced semi-literate leaders that went against better counsel and imposed world Bank/IMF prescribed Structural Adjustment Programme that ruined our economy.

Obama has come and gone, the speech is classic and the rhetoric is exceptional. But the best way to test whether he would be different from other American presidents is to explore the question of African strategic interests, or, alternatively, American strategic interests in Africa, and examine the ways in which and the degree to which Obama's pursuit of American policy is consistent with or diverges from that of his predecessor.

For example: Africom was established during George W. Bush's regime, will the Barack Hussein Obama's regime continue with Africom? What about the interest of American oil companies in Angola, Equatorial Guinea, the Niger Delta and even ours? Will an Obama regime move against their interest vis-à-vis African environmental, economic and political interest?

In Obama’s speech in Ghana, did he comment on Barclays Bank establishing a tax haven in Ghana, warning against such vehicle being used for tax evasion and money laundering; in support of transparency and anti-corruption efforts, to expand cooperation in intelligence gathering and sharing and reigning in the vicarious liability of tax havens and offshore banks.

Did he talk about pushing the boundaries of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) (passed by the US Congress before his tenure) to have the expanded power to bite both givers and takers of bribes – both American multi-national countries and kleptomaniac African leaders?

Did he talk about stopping and Withdrawing US Visa from corrupt African politicians; to stop them spending their looted funds in America; Stopping the marketplace for high stakes elite bribery?

To many, the Bush personality was a bit too crude and, in some respects, robust for the world to accept. Put some colour on him, with a sophisticated and intelligent personality, and now you have the same agenda for Africa, skilfully repackaged in an Obama. The agenda remains the same-imperialistic, exploitative, and, ultimately, deadly-but the general perception is different. It is seductive.

Source: Prince Prah

Email.pkwesi72@yahoo.com

The Race Problem in Today’s Cuba

2009-11-29T08:43:00.001-06:00

HAVANA TIMES, Nov. 23 - I’ve had the opportunity to participate in several forums dealing with the problem of racism in Cuba. The most recent one was on November 18 at the Sacred Trinidad Episcopal Cathedral at the invitation of the Oscar A. Romaro Reflection and Solidarity Group. In it, a panel of experts made up of Gisela Arandia, Maria Ileana Faguada and Luis Carlos Marrero approached the problem from a historical angle and in its relation to the Catholic and Protestant churches.

Later, several invitees contributed assessments and data on the issue, which added to the depth, breath and multidimensional treatment of the issue. Not only was the phenomenon and its causes outlined, but also its eventual solutions.

The following is a summary of the three concrete points I referenced in my brief address as an invitee:

1.- The problem of racism was, and is, essentially a problem of power. This is especially in the sense of power being an element in the capacity for decision-making and action. Those who hold the power to discriminate against someone are those who can do so. In this manner, the existence of hierarchy and the concentration of power condition the possibility for the existence of discrimination.

Dispersed power, distributed power and -especially- distributed and socialized economic and political power would eliminate the conditions that facilitate racial discrimination (as well as other social problems).

2.- Racism had, and has, an economic base. Its origin in Cuba is in the horrendous history of slavery. Likewise, of those who participated and died in the wars for independence, there was a proportion of nine blacks for every white casualty. Moreover, the white minority came mainly from those classes that held economic power and were slave-owners, whereas the blacks were slaves.

Independence brought about the elimination of classical slavery, but it didn’t eliminate the exploitation of blacks. Rather, it opened the way for the full development of wage slavery under which most blacks later found themselves. Also, with independence, whites continued belonging to the economically more powerful classes for the most part, and those who had been hacienda-owning slave holders then became landowners who exploited sharecroppers, tenant farmers and agricultural workers, while those who were the owners of sugar mills and other industries exploited wage labor.

The 1959 Cuban Revolution brought us the overthrow of tyranny, new hope for freedom; the nationalization of properties owned by imperialists, landowners and the national bourgeoisie; a cultural revolution, a socialist system and equal possibilities for the development for all Cubans.

But the nationalization of the land and industries remained under statism, and the socialization of ownership did not advance; this was because all property, power and decisions were concentrated in the State and its bureaucratic apparatus. Meanwhile wage labor -the new slavery- continued being the predominant form of the organization of production.

The maintaining of wage labor and property concentrated under the State reproduced the old bureaucratic, hierarchical and discriminatory structures of capitalism, only in a different form.

It was believed that eliminating the formal problems of racial discrimination and providing the possibility for the equal development of all would be sufficient to facilitate the equal access of blacks and whites to education, government positions, and political and managerial leadership, thus eliminating racial differences - but without changing the system of labor force exploitation.

But those who previously were paid a wage -the great black majority in the main, and a white minority- continued being paid a wage. Into the State apparatus entered mainly comrades who came from classes that had had greater access to formal education and education in general, where logically whites prevailed given their socio-historic advantages.

The objective material conditions will remain for discrimination to continue as long as the statist wage system basically remains in its hierarchical form; while social division exists between those who manage and those who work; while property, land, factories, production centers and service centers are not truly distributed equally between all Cubans; while the means of production -the real power- is not directly in hands of the people, of the workers in each locale, in each municipality; and while the people are not the ones who democratically decide how production is managed and how profits are distributed.

This is for the simple reason that there will continue to exist a bureaucratic power with the capacity for independent decision-making, a power that is distant from the people and the workers, distant from the black majority. And discrimination (please recall) is exercised by those who hold power.

3.- Problems of inequality cannot be solved with “equalitarian” political positions. When social and economic differences already exist, it’s necessary to develop differentiated policies, “unequal” ones, to be able to resolve those differences. And those policies would favor blacks. Blacks, by virtue of first being the descendents of slaves and later wage slaves for the most part, have always been at a disadvantage.

The majority live in neighborhoods that are the most run-down and least endowed with the modern conditions of life, their housing is of lower quality; historically they have had less access to universities, to scientific and technical professions; they owned the least property and today -like almost everyone, black and white wage workers as a whole- we continue to not own anything concretely, to not have anything that guarantees us a future beyond our labor power, which can be an employed, or not, depending on the bureaucrat on duty. What’s more, that same labor power is paid for according to what the bureaucracy deems fit.

“Equality” for those in an unequal position is not fair - it is not equality. Those in an unequal position, blacks in this case, must be treated differentially. It’s necessary that they be provided with greater opportunities of all types (housing, education, employment and access to individual and collective property) if we really want to eliminate the conditions that foster discrimination.

It is necessary to design plans and policies specifically directed at improving the conditions of life of blacks. And this is not an instance of “giving” them anything, but of providing them access to that which they historically won through their participation in national wars and in the formation of the Cuban nationality.

Cuba must not, it cannot, forget that it owes a great historical debt to blacks. They were the ones who paid -overwhelmingly so- with their lives, blood, sweat and tears in contributing to our independence.

Internal State Department report criticizes Africa Bureau

2009-11-21T14:21:00.002-06:00

By Elizabeth Dickinson

Do State Department bureaus mirror the turmoil in the regions they cover? If a critical new report (pdf) on the Bureau of African Affairs ("AF" in bureaucratic parlance) is any indication, the answer may be yes -- at least for certain offices.

As Secretary of State Hillary Clinton concludes her seven-nation tour of Africa this week, AF is receiving mixed and strongly worded reviews back in Washington. A periodic report just released by the department's Office of the Inspector General praised the work of a bureau strapped for resources and burdened with demands, while raising serious questions about staffing shortfalls, planning priorities, and a public diplomacy program that is, in the report's words, "failed." Compared with other regional bureaus, Acting Inspector General Harold W. Geisel said in an interview, the Bureau of African Affairs received a worse review.

"These guys have been operating under incredible pressure, with crises popping up all over the continent; that's the good news. The bad news is that the bureau as an entity in the State Department was not operating as well as we would expect it to operate," said Geisel.

The report seems to have elicited different reactions among officials and Foreign Service officers within AF, welcomed by some and criticized by others, who feel that their functional groups were unfairly maligned.

The OIG report, divided into sections to address policy implementation, resource management, and management controls, was released early this month and covers an assessment period between April 20 and June 5, 2009. The evaluation concluded a month after President Barack Obama's nominee for assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Johnnie Carson, was sworn in on May 7. The bulk of the research took place while the bureau was under the leadership of acting Assistant Secretary Phillip Carter III, a rumored pick to be the next U.S. ambassador to Ethiopia. Carter's interim leadership was praised by the OIG as a time of "renewal"; Carson is likewise seen as a strong leader for the bureau.

[Update: A former senior State Department official writes in response to FP's report that "The OIG blast on AF has little to do with/against the then-Acting Assistant Secretary [Carter]." Instead, he calls the report "a massive slam" against Jendayi Frazer, who served as assistant secretary for African affairs under the Bush administration. Contacted by phone this morning, Frazer declined to comment on either the findings of the report or this particular remark.

Speaking more generally about the Bureau yesterday, Geisel also suggested that the decline began before the assessment period. He attributed shortcomings within the agency to "a matter of [dealing with] crises, but we also think it was a matter of leadership and lack thereof. As the report says, the acting assistant secretary was a wonderful leader. ... He did a wonderful job of trying to pick up the pieces and lead the bureau until Johnny Carson came in."]

Yet the report is highly critical of AF in other respects. First, it cites inadequate staffing, declining morale, lack of qualified job candidates, and a failure to mentor young officers as key shortcomings. "There is no bureau that is more difficult to staff overseas than AF," the report reads. OIG attributes the difficulty to perceptions about the poor quality of living abroad and insufficient hardship or danger pay. Hence, positions in Africa often remain vacant or are filled with candidates without the necessary experience.

Meanwhile, demands on embassy staff have only ballooned: "Embassy platforms are collapsing under the weight of new programs and staffing without corresponding resources to provide the services required," the report says. There is, for example, just one financial economist and one international economic position mandated within the bureau's economic team, rending State "an unequal partner in discussions" with other U.S. branches and multilateral institutions.

"Several embassies," according to the report, "had significant morale, performance, or leadership issues." Citing interviews and site visits, OIG notes deficiencies in leaders' abilities to facilitate staff cooperation and to mentor young colleagues. Staff survey responses demonstrated that there is "considerable dissatisfaction with the African Bureau, ranging from lack of communication from the regional desks to front office disinterest in all but the crisis posts."

In addition to leadership challenges, AF's policy planning was criticized for being largely short-term and reactive rather than strategic and broad-based. "There's always a problem in bureaucracies that the urgent outweighs the important. They were doing a good job of fighting fires ... but it was too much time being spent on the crisis of the moment and not enough time being spent on our strategy," Geisel said. The report goes further, saying that the "focus of the bureau appears to be more on the process and timeline for generative new MSPs [Mission Strategic Plans] and the new BSP [Bureau Strategic Plan] rather than on the content," a shortcoming attributed to "procrastination, a lack of buy-in to the enterprise, or poor understanding of performance measurement on the part of missions and other offices."

That lack of foresightedness plays out in several specific Africa policies, including food aid ("the United States helps feed Africa, it is not focusing as it might on helping Africans feed themselves") and HIV/AIDS ("programs spend more on medication than prevention"). OIG cites staff worries that, while HIV/AIDS occupies a large portion of embassies' humanitarian attention thanks to the massive and widely lauded PEPFAR program, comparatively little time or attention is paid to other development priorities such as promoting education and combating corruption.

Another sticky issue addressed in the report is the initially antagonistic relationship between U.S. embassies and personnel from the Department of Defense's new military command for Africa, AFRICOM. "The activation and role of the command was misunderstood at best, if not resented and challenged by AF," the report finds. While the report notes improvements between the two teams, misunderstandings remain. Embassy staff received little instruction as to how they should integrate and work with AFRICOM officials, for example. And within the department, there is "considerable internal debate about the wisdom of military funding of U.S. development and public diplomacy activities in Africa" -- things like combating HIV/AIDS.and building wells for drinking water.

Resentments may be exacerbated by the fact that AFRICOM's funding often far outstrips that of AF. "The military deals in resources that the State Department can only dream about, either in a pleasant dream or a nightmare," Geisel said. In one instance, a military information support team (the military equivalent to an embassy's public affairs staff) was funded with $600,000 for their campaign in Somalia, while the State Department had to make do with a mere $30,000.

"It's a totally different scale," said Geisel. Perhaps for this reason, OIG suggests that the State Department's overall very successful peacekeeper training and support programs be transferred to AFRICOM if State fails to receive adequate funding and staff for them.

The report's most strongly worded criticism goes to AF's public diplomacy office, which the report deems utterly failed, devoid of long-term strategy, marginalized within the wider bureau, and technologically ill-equipped. So poor was its performance, the OIG determined, that AF should commission an independent review within 90 days to examine the roots of the shortcomings. Asked why he felt the public diplomacy shop had performed poorly, Geisel blamed management: "The leadership of the bureau in my opinion took its eye off the ball," he said.

That notion, however, is disputed by some within the bureau. One official, who declined to be named, explained, "Public diplomacy is seen by some State Department officials as conveying a message. That is 10 percent of what we do. Probably 90 percent is to create relationships and mutual understanding with the public in other countries. What they [OIG] are commenting on is their understanding of 10 percent."

The report offers several other insights into the workings of U.S.-Africa policy. The much-touted Africa Growth and Opportunity Act -- passed in 2000 and since amended four times to offer trade incentives if African economies liberalize -- has had a limited impact, according to the report. "Poorly developed infrastructure, a lack of affordable credit, weak merchandising, and an inability to meet U.S. phytosanitary regulations are among the many factors that thus far have limited the intended trade promotion and diversification effects of AGOA." So although trade between the United States and the continent has risen almost fourfold between 2001 and 2008, non-oil trade accounts for just 4.9 percent of 2008's $104.7 billion trade figure.

Also of note was the report's observation that Somalia remained "the hottest of many policy fires burning within the bureau."

The report is both good and bad news for the Obama administration as it tries to craft its policy toward a continent that expects much from the first African-American U.S. president. Obama campaigned on a promise to boost foreign assistance and revamp the State Department, the need for which seems substantiated by the OIG's report. Much hope rests with new Assistant Secretary Carson, who is almost universally held in high regard by State Department officials.

Compliance procedures under the OIG require the Bureau of African Affairs to follow up with progress reports on its compliance with the 19 recommendations mandated in the report. The first reporting period concludes toward the end of this month -- 30 days after the final OIG analysis was circulated to AF staff, though most in the bureau had seen earlier drafts.

Elizabeth Dickinson is assistant editor at FP.

African chiefs urged to apologise for slave trade

2009-11-21T14:10:00.001-06:00

David Smith in Johannesburg
Wednesday 18 November 2009

Nigerian civil rights group says tribal leaders' ancestors sold people to slavers and should say sorry like US and Britain.

Traditional African rulers whose ancestors collaborated with European and Arab slave traders should follow Britain and the United States by publicly saying sorry, according to human rights organisations.

The Civil Rights Congress of Nigeria has written to tribal chiefs saying: "We cannot continue to blame the white men, as Africans, particularly the traditional rulers, are not blameless."

The appeal has reopened a sensitive debate over the part some chiefs played in helping to capture their fellow Africans and sell them into bondage as part of the transatlantic slave trade.

The congress argued that the ancestors of the chiefs had helped to raid and kidnap defenceless communities and traded them to Europeans. They should now apologise to "put a final seal to the history of slave trade", it said.

"In view of the fact that the Americans and Europe have accepted the cruelty of their roles and have forcefully apologised, it would be logical, reasonable and humbling if African traditional rulers ... [can] accept blame and formally apologise to the descendants of the victims of their collaborative and exploitative slave trade."

Estimates vary that between 10 million and 28 million Africans were sent to the Americas and sold into slavery between 1450 and the early 19th century.

More than a million are believed to have died in transit across the so-called "middle passage" of the Atlantic due to inhumane conditions aboard slave ships and the brutal crushing of any resistance.

Three years ago Tony Blair described Britain's participation as a "crime against humanity" and expressed his "deep sorrow". The US Senate voted for an apology this year.

Shehu Sani, head of the congress, said it was calling for traditional rulers to apologise now because they were seeking inclusion in a forthcoming constitutional amendment in Nigeria.

"We felt that for them to have the moral standing to be part of our constitutional arrangement there are some historical issues for them to address," he told the BBC World Service. "One part of which is the involvement of their institutions in the slave trade."

He said that on behalf of the buyers of slaves, the ancestors of the traditional rulers "raided communities and kidnapped people, shipping them away across the Sahara or across the Atlantic".

Many slaves captured inland in Africa died on the long journey to the coast.

The position was endorsed by Henry Bonsu, a British-born broadcaster of Ghanaian descent who examined the issue in Ghana for a radio documentary. He said some chiefs had accepted responsibility and sought atonement by visiting Liverpool and the United States.

"I interviewed a chief who acknowledged there was collaboration and that without that involvement we wouldn't have seen human trafficking on an industrial scale," said Bonsu, the co-founder of digital station Colourful Radio.

"An apology in Nigeria might be helpful because the chiefs did some terrible things and abetted a major crime."

The non-government organisation Africa Human Right Heritage, based in Accra, Ghana, supports the campaign for an apology. Baffour Anning, its chief executive, said: "I certainly agree with the Nigeria Civil Rights Congress that the traditional leaders should render an apology for their role in the inhuman slavery administration." He said it would accord with the UN's position on human rights.

But the issue was not a high priority for most African citizens, according to Bonsu. "In my experience it's mainly the African diaspora who want an apology. People aren't milling around Lagos or Accra moaning about why chiefs don't apologise. They are more concerned about the everyday and why they still have bad governance."

Fred Swaniker, the founder of the African Leadership Academy, said: "I'm not sure whether an apology is needed, but it would be worth looking at and acknowledging the role Africa did play in the slave trade. Someone had to find the slaves and bring them before the Europeans."

The shameful history of some traditional leaders remains an awkward subject on which many politicians prefer to maintain silence. One exception was in 1998 when Yoweri Museveni, the president of Uganda, told an audience including Bill Clinton: "African chiefs were the ones waging war on each other and capturing their own people and selling them. If anyone should apologise it should be the African chiefs. We still have those traitors here even today."

Caribbean American Challenger Beats Vincentian Incumbent In NY Primary

2009-11-21T13:54:00.000-06:00

CaribWorldNews, NEW YORK, NY
Weds. Sept. 16, 2009

A Caribbean American, Brooklyn resident with Tourette`s syndrome, last night emerged the victor in a heated New York City Primary election race for the 45th councilmatic seat.

Activist Jumaane Williams, who had the backing of the Working Family Party and was endorsed by a number of key media and unions, won the race with some 37 percent of the votes ahead of 25 percent for the incumbent, Vincentian City Councilman, Kendall Stewart.

Stewart managed to pull in 2,223 votes compared to Williams` 3,330. Williams is a first-generation Brooklynite of West Indian parentage who was a former housing director for the Flatbush Development Corporation.

Last night, from a victory celebration in Brooklyn, he told CWNN the win was `surreal` to him and he is still in shock.

`It has not sunk in fully,` he told CWNN via phone.

Most recently, he was the executive director of the NYS Tenants & Neighbors, a state-wide organization that fights for tenants` rights and affordable housing through organizing and advocacy. He is an alumnus of Brooklyn Tech and Brooklyn College.

The other largely Caribbean challengers failed to come close to the votes secured by Williams and Stewart. Barbados-born Sam Taitt, who has run for the seat for several years now, managed to secure just 1,501 votes while newcomer, Dr. Dester McKenzie, a Jamaican, obtained 1,042 votes. Enrest Emmanuel of Haiti garnered 518 votes while Guyanese Erlene King fared even worse with just 397.

The win means Williams will now have to face-off against Stewart, who was faced criticism over his vote against ending term limits and scandal over his former chief-of-staff`s conviction on embezzlement, in the November general election.

Other incumbents were not so unfortunate, with Haitian Councilman, Mathieu Eugene winning, overwhelmingly with 3,879 votes, his primary for the 40th Councilmatic seat. Jamaican challenger, Ricky Tulloch, secured only 1,586 votes while Trinidadian Rock Hackshaw managed to get just 1,122 votes.

In Queens, Jamaican American Councilman, Leroy Comrie, easily won over his Caribbean challenger in Council District 27, while Councilman James Saunders also beat back two Caribbean challengers to hold on to the win in the 31st District.

The Democratic mayoral candidate with Caribbean roots, Bill Thompson, beat out two other competitors for his chance to go head to head with Mayor Bloomberg this fall in the race for City Hall.

With more than 98 percent of precincts reporting last night, Thompson had 69 percent of the vote to Avella`s 21 percent and Rogers` eight percent.

"It`s time for a change New York. Eight years is enough," said Thompson, who was endorsed recently by several Caribbean Americans, at his victory speech last night.

Meanwhile, outgoing councilmember John Liu garnered 38 percent of the vote with 85 percent of precincts reporting in the race for comptroller while City Council member Bill de Blasio led the race for public advocate.

What The Notorious BIG Can Tell Us About Race and Immigration

2009-11-21T13:46:00.000-06:00

by Jeremy on 9.24.2009

In Black Identities, Harvard sociologist Mary Waters analyzes the racial and ethnic identities of first and second generation West Indian immigrants in New York City. At its core, Black Identities is a study of paradox. Waters eloquently states, “[For West Indians], America is a contradictory place…a land of greater opportunities than their homelands but simultaneously a land of racial stigma and discrimination. Immigrants readily buy into an image of American affluence, but are grounded in American racial and economic realities. One respondent noted despair that America is a “white world” in which “white people have all the money,” but in the same breath rejoiced in the fact that America is “a place where everyone has opportunity.” This is the inherent contradiction of the “American dream:” First generation West Indian immigrants must reconcile their lofty expectations of achievement with the myth of American social mobility as they grapple with structural and interpersonal racism in their day-to-day lives.

Second generation West Indian immigrants are also directly confronted with uniquely American race relations, resulting in contradictory immigrant identities. On the one hand, some immigrants embrace their Caribbean ancestry and construct social boundaries separating themselves from black Americans. On the other hand, many young, second generation West Indians (a plurality of her sample) buy into the uniquely American racial caste system and self-identify as black, abandoning other “ethnic options.” There wouldn’t be anything wrong with indentifying as “black,” if of course a slew of disadvantages and prejudices didn’t follow as a result. When race collides and interacts with social structure and culture, West Indian immigrant identity precariously wavers between ethnic loyalty and American assimilation. Paradoxically, the choice to remain loyal to their West Indian heritage affords these immigrants more social mobility than direct incorporation into American culture, as buying into American stereotypes often means downward mobility.

Sound familiar? Oddly reminiscent of a certain Brooklyn born rap legend? Indeed, The Notorious BIG represents an interesting case study—and exemplar—of Waters’ extensive empirical data. Biggie was born to a hardworking, loving Jamaican immigrant mother. While his father was largely absent from his life, Biggie’s mother held steady employment as a pre-school teacher and by all accounts was an involved parent. She enrolled her son in a private middle school in Brooklyn where he thrived academically. This scholastic success, of course, came to an end when Biggie began selling drugs at age 12. A (pun intended) notorious crack dealer, he eventually dropped out of high school, only to reach temporary stardom but ultimately suffer an untimely death.

A scene near the beginning of the recent biopic Notorious, in which Biggie’s character exhibits admiration and lust for the life of a street hustler, is telling. Waters’ research suggests that Biggie’s identity as a second generation West Indian immigrant could have, presumably, led him to continue his studies and perhaps achieve upward mobility—distancing himself both from the general stereotypes of American blacks and the actual hustlers in his immediate surroundings. But, when confronted with the reality of American race relations—in this example, Bed-Stuy/Clinton Hill in the early ‘90s—Biggie could have just as easily been propelled to identify more with the black Americans selling drugs on the corner by his house. Like many poor second generation West Indian immigrants, Biggie lacked local models of success, a disparity caused by urban economic marginalization and resulting in a push to identify with a certain type of black American.

Big had an ethnic “choice,” sure; claim his Jamaican roots, or step in line with America’s vision of race. But it was a structured choice provided under economic duress and within the context of a uniquely American racial order. The problem is, both paths of ethnic identity formation have problematic results for blacks as a whole. By distancing themselves from the “black underclass,” many West Indians reaffirm long-standing stereotypes of blacks as lazy, violent, and generally inferior. In this model, immigrants achieve individual mobility at the expense of group advancement. In other words, individual immigrants can use this boundary work to catapult themselves toward success, but it negates the possibility for the advancement of blacks as a group. West Indians face American stereotypes and norms of black insolence, and their rejection—and even acceptance—of this identity solidifies white preconceptions. This puts West Indian immigrants in a uniquely difficult position—a Catch-22 in which either path of identity formation reinforces a firm black-white color line.

Biggie’s life story dovetails nicely with Waters’ analysis, complicating traditional studies of race, immigration, and assimilation in the United States. Of course, Biggie’s life obviously doesn’t reflect the experiences of all second generation West Indian immigrants. Still, Waters’ analysis in Black Identities does help explain, in part, why “G-E-D, wasn’t B-I-G.”

West Indians Show No Growth In Latest Census Sample

2009-11-21T13:44:00.001-06:00

CaribWorldNews, WASHINGTON, D.C.
Tues. Sept. 22, 2009

The growth of the population of people of West Indian ancestry is seemingly stagnated, according to latest sample data from the American Community Survey department of the U.S. Census.

The latest ACS data released to the media on Monday afternoon show that instead of growth, the West Indian population in the U.S. was put at a mere 2,532,380 or just 0.8 percent of the population.

In South Florida the percentage of West Indians dropped from 3.9 percent last year to 3.8 percent this year, according to the data. While in New York, considered to be home to the largest number of `West Indians,` data from the ACS claim the population is only 4.1 percent of the overall population of New York State.

However, the ancestry listed, according to the Census, `refers to the total number of people who responded with a particular ancestry.` Which means simply that people from the Caribbean are hardly filling out the forms, leading to the low numbers.

Ann Walters of CaribID`s DC executive, blames a lack of marketing and outreach in the hard to count Caribbean immigrant community and also the fact that many West Indians or Caribbeans are not listed in their own origins category on the form so they don`t feel they matter.

`This is definitely not a true and accurate survey. But we will be stagnated forever as many don`t even know such a form exists since there is zero promotion, zero marketing done in this demographic compared to others,` said Walters. `It is why Caribbean people need to seriously participate in the 2010 Census and write in their country or ancestry so we can begin to count and get the respect we deserve, compared to other groups. If we don`t participate and demand marketing dollars to get the message out to our people then we will continue to be dismissed and disrespected.`

CaribID continues to push the message of `Stand Up and Be Counted` to the Caribbean population in order to ensure the Census numbers are an accurate reflection of the demographic in the U.S.

Meanwhile, the CaribID movement has boosted its media partners with the recent signing of top New York-based, Power 105 FM radio personality, Carlos Pineda, AKA Deejay Norrie, as a spokesperson for the organization.

Caribbean nationals are growing at a rapid pace yet they have no accurate numbers that speak of their existence in the U.S., insist CaribID executives, adding that because of poor numbers, the Caribbean community is quickly discounted and ignored.

`We are a growing population, and our culture is leaving marks across the United States, giving inspiration to mainstream movies, fashion, and entertainment as a whole,` says DJ Norie. `Isn`t it time that we got credit for what it is that we bring to this country?`

CaribID Partner Named To Chicago Census 2010 Complete Count Committee

2009-11-21T13:42:00.001-06:00

CaribWorldNews, Chicago, IL., Thurs. Sept, 24, 2009: Founder and President of the Caribbean Association of Midwest America and CaribID partner, Deon M. Lopez, has been named as chairperson for the African Diaspora Complete Count Committee in the Uptown Area of Chicago.

Lopez, through CaribID and her new post is working to increase participation in the 2010 U.S. Census among Caribbean and African communities. C.A.M.A. is an organization that promotes and educates the Midwest on issues impacting Caribbean nationals both in the U.S. and the Caribbean.

Lopez, as part of the Carib ID 2010 initiative, will stress the importance of the Caribbean and African communities participating in the Census, as well as the direct connection between the Census and financial support for our communities.

`The Caribbean and African communities must be proactive in an effort to raise awareness of and draw attention to the untapped economic and political viability of our communities,` said Lopez. `We must educate and encourage the Caribbean and African communities on the importance of their participation in the U.S. Census. The Census is perceived as a tool to locate illegal immigrants and we need the Caribbean and African communities to understand that the Census will not adversely impact our communities, no one will come looking for them based on their answers, the information taken by the Census is confidential and can not be shared with anyone not even welfare or immigration services. `

The CaribID 2010 initiative states, `This is about the future and the future of our children. We can choose to be invisible and not participate in the 2010 Census or we can choose to write in our Caribbean/African country of origin on question 9 and tick the box that says no not Hispanic.`

With the Caribbean-American population in the U.S. estimated at less than 3 million ` it`s time that we the Caribbean community -STAND UP AND BE COUNTED,` added Lopez.

To learn more about the organization, visit the C.A.M.A. website at www.caribeilanz.com or for CaribID 2010 initiative visit www.caribid2010.com.

Rastafarians answer Gadhafi’s call for a united Africa

2009-11-21T13:37:00.000-06:00

By Tangerine Clarke
September 30, 2009

Holding a portrait of Mummar Gadhafi, the President of Libya, a group of Rastafarians from Jamaica, joined hundreds of supporters to welcome the Libyan leader to the United States, during a rally outside the Libyan Embassy on 48th Street, in New York City.

The Tuesday, September 22, gathering coincided with Gadhafi’s first visit here, where his country was elected to hold the presidency of this year’s UN General Assembly, and where the leader participated in the historic Security Council summit chaired by president Barack Obama.

The welcoming group carried pro Libyan slogans, chanting welcome to the King of Kings of Africa, and long live Gadhafi, as the Jamaican stood on the sidewalk eager to have their voices heard with praise for the president of the African Union (AU).

Saying Gaddafi is the only man that said “Africa unite”, and who has the ability to stand behind his statement financially and politically, Don Black a Jamaican native said he is eager to take up the call for one Africa where all could live in unity.

“Gadhafi has been a ruler for 40 years, and his history shows what he has done for his people, and now he is calling for Caribbean natives to join the union said Black, who traveled from Florida to greet the leader.

“When Gadhafi became the President of the African Union, he specifically called on Jamaica, Haiti and the Dominican to join him to create the United States of Africa, so we in the Diaspora and the Caribbean would naturally want to step in to help in this effort, because we know that Africa is our home.

Making a passionate call to Caribbean people, Black says Africans have been lost and scattered for a long time, many living in diverse places, but says now is the time for them to grace the shores of Africa.

Joined by Daniels, who traveled from Jamaica, and Flego and Val, who are from the N.Y. area, Black says he visits Africa often where a group of Rastafarians now lives.

“America is in a critical state, that is why we want to move to Africa where there is potential, for nation builders like us.”

“Gadhafi only has one year as the president of the African Union, so while he is in the position of power, we are willing to unite for the future of our children, said Black.

Flego added that Gadhafi supports a united Africa, with one passport. And that is meaningful to Jamaicans, the entire Caribbean population and black people in the Diaspora. He said a discussion is in process for a Caribbean African alignment.

The Bush administration in 2003, lifted a ban on Gadhafi after Libya agreed not to seek nuclear weapons, and he paid $1.5B toward the Pan Am bomb relief fund.

Called a dictator, Gadhafi’s motorcade shut down parts of the East side that was littered with dozens of Secret Service and NYPD cops, during his visit to the Libyan mission just blocks from the UN.